Saturday, December 15, 2012

मंडल कमीशन की सिफ़ारिशे....




मंडल कमीशन 7 अगस्त 1990 को तत्कालीन प्रधानमंत्री विश्वनाथ प्रताप सिंह ने लागू किया था. मंडल कमीशन की सिफारिशें निम्नलिखित है-
1-      अनु. 15(4) और 16(4) के तहत 50% आरक्षण की सीलिंग है और SCs/ STs को उनकी आबादी के अनुपात में 22% मिला हुआ है. अतः कमीशन OBCs के लिए 27% आरक्षण प्रस्तावित करता है. अनु. 15(4) और अनु. 29(2)- (अल्पसंख्यकों को सरंक्षण) राज्य के ऊपर कोई वैधानिक प्रतिबन्ध नहीं करता यदि वह सामाजिक तथा शैक्षिक रूप से पिछड़े वर्गों की उन्नति के लिए विशेष प्राविधान बनाये. इसी तरह अनु.16(4)  राज्य को नहीं रोकेगा यदि राज्य  राजकीय नौकरियों तथा नियुक्तियों में  सामाजिक तथा शैक्षिक रूप से पिछड़े वर्गों को उचित प्रतिनिधित्व न होने से पदों तथा नियुक्तियों में उनके लिए आरक्षण की अनुसंशा करे.
2-      सरकारी नौकरियों में शामिल OBC  उम्मीदवारों को प्रोन्नति में भी 27% आरक्षण मिलना चाहिए.
3-      केंद्र और राज्य सरकारों के अधीन चलने वाली वैज्ञानिक, तकनीकी तथा प्रोफेशनल शिक्षण संस्थानों में दाखिले के लिए OBC वर्गों के छात्र-छात्राओं के लिए 27% आरक्षण लागू किया जाये.
4-      OBC की आबादी वाले क्षेत्रों में वयस्क शिक्षा केंद्र तथा पिछड़ें वर्गों के छात्र-छात्राओं के लिए आवासीय विद्यालय खोले जाए. OBC  छात्रों को रोजगार परक शिक्षा  दी जाये.
5-       OBC की विशाल आबादी जीविका के लिए पारंपरिक तथा जातिपरक काम में लगी हुयी है. इनकी दयनीय आर्थिक हालत को देखते हुए इन्हें संस्थागत वित्तीय, तकनीकी सहायता देने तथा इनमें उद्यमी द्रष्टिकोण विकसित करने के लिए वित्तीय, तकनीकी संस्थाओं का समूह तैयार करे.
6-      प्रत्येक जाति परक पेशे के लिए सहकारी समितियां गठित की जाये जिनके तमाम कार्यकर्ता, कर्मचारी और अधिकारीगण उसी जातिगत पेशे से जुड़े होने चाहिए.
7-       जमींदारी प्रथा को ख़त्म करने के लिए भूमि सुधार कानून लागू किया जाये क्योंकि पिछड़े वर्गों की बड़ी जमात जमींदारी प्रथा से सताई हुयी है.
8-      सरकार द्वारा अनुबंधित जमीन को न केवल ST/ST को दिया जाये बल्कि OBC को भी इसमें शामिल किया जाये.
9-       OBC के कल्याण के लिए राज्य सरकारों द्वारा बनाई गयी तथा चलायी जा रही तमाम योजनाओ, कार्यक्रमों को लागू करने के लिए केंद्र सरकार द्वारा राज्य सरकारों को वित्तीय सहायता प्रदान की जाये.
10-    केंद्र और राज्य सरकारों में OBC  के हितों की सुरक्षा के लिए अलग मंत्रालय/विभाग स्थापित किये जाये.
11-    आयोग की अनुशंसाओं का क्या परिणाम निकला, उन्हें कहाँ तक लागू किया गया इसकी समीक्षा 20 वर्ष के बाद की जाये.

Monday, September 24, 2012

The Untouchables - Bhagat Singh (Published in ‘Kirti’ (Punjabi) June 1929)


Our country is in a really bad shape; here strangest questions are asked, the foremost concerns the untouchables, who count 6 crores in population of 30 crores.

For instance :-
Would the contact with an untouchable mean defilement of an upper caste?
Would the gods in the temples, not get angry by the entry of untouchables there?
Would the drinking water of a well not get polluted if the untouchables drew their water from the same well?
That these questions are being asked in the twentieth century, is a matter which makes our heads hang in shame.
We Indian boast of our spiritualism, but then, we avoid accepting every human being as a fellow being just like ourselves. Western people on the other hand, who carry a reputation of being money minded, had unequivocally affirmed their faith in the principle of equality. This they did during the revolutions in America and France and above all in Russia.
These days which is committed to the extension of this principle to all aspects of life and to ending of discriminations in any form whatsoever, thereby fulfilling the ideals of May Day declaration. But we Indians on our part who never tire of boasting about our gods and godliness are, yet seriously debating whether to permit the untouchables to wear the sacred thread or the janeu and whether the untouchables be permitted to read Vedas / Shastras. We often complain about our maltreatment in other countries, and particularly when we are maltreated by the whites, do we have any moral right to voice such a protest?
In 1926, Sindhi Muslim gentleman, Mr. Nur Mohd member of Bombay Legislative Council aptly remarked:-
“If the Hindu society refuses to allow other human beings, fellow creatures at that, to attend public schools, and if …. The president of the local board representing so many lakh of people, in his house, refuses to allow his fellows and brothers, the elementary human right of having water to drink, what right have they to ask for more rights from the bureaucracy? Before we accuse the people coming from other lands, we should see how people… how can we ask for greater political rights when (we ourselves) deny elementary rights of human beings.
How true! But since this had been said by a Muslim, Hindus lost no time in alleging that the Muslim’s real intention was to convert the untouchables to Islam and thus assimilate them into their own brotherhood. But then, it amounted to an open admission of the harsh truth--that if you (the Hindus) treat them worse than your cattle, they shall desert you, join to the fold of other religions where they hope to enjoy more rights, where they are treated as fellow beings.
Would it not then be pointless to blame the Christians and Muslims, that they were undermining Hinduism?
How fair and true! Yet the Hindus tremble in anger on hearing this plain truth. In any case, it had shaken Hindus from their complacency in the matter. Orthodox Brahimins too started re-thinking about it, also joined by some self-proclaimed reformers. At Patna a gala Hindu meet was held. Lala Lajpat Rai, known for his longstanding sympathy for the untouchables was presiding. A lot of hot arguments were exchanged as to whether the untouchables are eligible to wear sacred thread, the janeu? Could they read Vedas / Shastras? A number of social reformers lost their temper but Lala ji was able to persuade them to compromise on these two matters and thereby saved the prestige of Hindu religion; otherwise, what would have been the consequences?
Just imagine how shameful! Even a dog can sit in our lap, it can also move freely in kitchen but if a fellow human touches you, your dharma is endangered. So much so, even a reputed social reformer like Pandit Malviya ji, known for his soft corner for the untouchables, first agrees to be publicly garlanded by a sweeper, but then afterwards regards himself to be polluted till he bathes and washes those clothes. How ironical! In the temples meant for worshipping God, who lives in us all, once a poor man enters it, it gets defiled and God gets annoyed. When this is the state of affairs within the Hindu fold, does it behave us to quarrel and fight in the name of the Brotherhood? Above all, this kind of our approach to the question amounts of an ingratitude of the degree; those who provide us the comforts by doing menial jobs for us, we shun them. We could worship even animals, but would not tolerate fellow humans to sit beside us.
This is an issue of hot debate these days, the poor creatures getting special attention in this way. In the context of our advance towards national liberation, the problem of communal representation (seats in the legislatures allotted in proportion to Hindu/ Sikh/ Muslim population) may not have been beneficial in any other manner but atleast Hindu / Muslim / Sikhs are all striving hard to maximize their own respective quota of seats by attracting the maximum number of untouchables to their own respective folds. Accordingly Muslims started by providing them equal rights after converting them to Islam.
This naturally hurt the Hindus. Bitterness mounted, riots too broke out. By and by Sikhs, too woke up lest they be left behind in this race. They too started administering Amrit; tension mounted between Sikhs and Hindus over the removal of janeu or hair shaving. All in all, all the three are trying to out do the others, resulting in widespread disturbances. Christians sitting on the fence are quietly consolidating their hold.
Be as it may, this turmoil is certainly helping us to move towards the weakening of the hold of untouchability.
As for themselves, when they discovered that all this great turmoil was on their account and Hindus / Muslims / Sikhs, all were trying to profit at their cost, they have also started thinking, “Why should we not organize on our own?” No one is certain whether they are doing so as a result of official prompting or at their own but once this line of thinking had taken roots, certainly this trend is being fully backed up by official quarters. “Adi Dharam Mandal” and the like are the end result of this trend.
Here, the basic question arises, how precisely can we solve this tangle? The answer is quite obvious; above all, it needs to be settled for good, that all humans are equal without distinctions of birth or vocation. In other words since someone is born in a poor sweepers’ family, he shall continue cleaning toilets all his life and thus getting deprived of all chances of progress in life, all this nonsense. Historically speaking, when our Aryan ancestors nurtured these practices of discrimination towards these strata of society, shunning all human contact with them by labeling them as menials, and assigning all the degrading jobs to them, they also, naturally started worrying about a revolt against this system. All this is the result of your past sins; what can be done about it? Bear if silently! and with such kinds of sleeping pills, were they able to buy peace for quite some time. All the same they were guilty of a great sin on this account, since this amounted to the negation of core human values like self-esteem and self-reliance; a grossly cruel conduct by all means. Yet present is the moment of its atonement.
In a broader social perspective, untouchability had a pernicious side-effect; people in general got used to hating the jobs which were otherwise vital for life. We treated the weavers who provided us cloths as untouchable. In U.P. water carriers were also considered untouchables. All this caused tremendous damage to our progress by undermining the dignity of labour, especially manual labour. We have thus to accept it, once for all, that in order to move forward we have to give up either considering or calling them untouchables.
Everything else shall fall in place by itself.
In this regard strategy adopted by Naujwan Bharat Sabha and the Youth conference is, most apt--to seek forgiveness from those brethren, whom we have been calling untouchables by treating them as our fellow beings, without making them go through conversion ceremonies of Sikhism, Islam or Hinduism, by accepting food / water from their hands. On the other hand quarrelling among ourselves in the race to win them over, without restoring to them their human dignity is futile.
But the moment we went to villages with our message of human equality and brotherhood mentioned above, Government agents started inciting the Jat community saying that this would embolden these menials to refuse serving you. This was sufficient to provoke the jats, to oppose our efforts in the right direction.
But the upper castes should also realise that their own status in life cannot change for the better as long they persist in considering these people as inferiors, calling them menials, and keep them under their heals. It is argued, they are unclean. The harsh truth is that they are poor; remove their poverty and they shall be clean. Don’t we find that the poor even among the upper castes are no less unclean? Besides doing unclean jobs is no bad; for example mothers perform all the unclean duties for their children. Do they become unclean?
However, ultimately the problem can not be satisfactory solved unless and until untouchable communities themselves unite and organize. We regard their recent uniting to form their distinct identity, and also demanding representation equal to Muslims in legislatures, being equal to them in number, is a move in the right direction. Either reject communal representation altogether, else give these people too their due share! In principle, Councils, Assemblies are duty bound to ensure full and free access for all these communities to schools, colleges, wells and roads; that too not only on paper but by actually accompanying them to wells, schools and get them admitted there. But can these legislatures, where a lot of hue and cry is raised even over a bill to ban child marriages, on the grounds that it shall be a threat to their religion, dare to bring the untouchables to their own level on their own? No, never, that is why we plead that they must persist in pressing for their own distinct representation in legislatures in proportion to their numerical strength. We mince no words in proclaiming: Arise! So called untouchables, the real sustainers of life, awake and reflect over your past, you were the backbone of Guru Gobind Singh’s army. Shivaji was able to achieve all that with your participation which made him ever shining in history. Your sacrifices are worthy of being embedded in golden letters. The way in which you sustain us and add to our comforts ought to make us feel grateful to you. It is we who fail to appreciate. The land Alienation Act (banning transfer of land to non-agriculturist communities, defined as per caste) does not permit you to buy land ever if you manage the necessary amount of cost. The way you are being oppressed had prompted Miss Mayo of U.S.A. to label you “less then man.” As a matter of fact, without your own efforts, you shall not able to move ahead.
“Those who would be free must themselves strike the first blow.” It must be kept in mind that every one belonging to the privileged class, strives to enjoy his own rights, but would try his utmost to keep on oppressing those below him, and keeping the underprivileged under his heel. Thus might is held to be right. Then waste no time and unite to stand on your own feet and challenge the existing order of society. Let it then be seen as to who dares to deny to you your due. Do not be at the mercy of others and have no illusions about them. Be on guard so as not to fall in the trap of officialdom, because far from being your ally it seeks to make you dance on its own tunes. The capitalist bureaucratic combine is, truly speaking responsible for your oppression and poverty. Hence always shun it. Be on guard about its tricks. This is then the way out. You are the real working class. Workers unite – you have nothing to lose but your chains. Arise and rebel against the existing order. Gradualism and reformism shall be of no avail to you. Start a revolution from a social agitation and gird up your loins for political economic revolution. You and you alone are the pillars of the nations and its core strength. Awake, O sleeping lions! Rebel, raise the banner of revolt.
[Curtesy to Bhagat Singh Study (The Untouchable, Published in ‘Kirti’ (Punjabi) June 1929]

Tuesday, August 28, 2012

Race in South Africa: Black viewpoint


Race in South Africa: Black viewpoint
Nomvula Ndlovu Retired nurse, Dukathole township
I lived through apartheid and I survived it. After democracy I was expecting to live a comfortable life with my children, I just never thought that I'd be poorer now than I was.

Yes racism still exists and we are faced with it from time to time, but today's oppression is from our own black government. I live in an old shack and have applied for a house numerous times but in vain. Every election the ANC visit our shacks and make us all sorts of promises about getting us houses, they even provide us with food parcels - all to get support and then they disappear until the next election season.
Both my daughter and I live on my pensioner's grant of 1,200 rand ($130; £80). We are forced to beg for food from neighbours every month because the grant does not even cover a week's worth of food.
My daughter passed her matric in 2005 and has not been able to find a job despite her good grades. I never imagined I would be facing such hardships at my age, especially not from a government led by people who are black like me.
(BBC News)

V P Singh on Social Justice




(V P Singh was at Jawaharlal Nehru University, at New Delhi to deliver his lecture at JP Memorial Lecture on 5 December, 1990)
Secularism and social justice is one subject- rather two subjects. But, I think, both are two sides of the same coin.  Secularism and social justice are today uppermost in the minds of most of us who are thinking about the future of India. In fact, I will prefer to put Secularism and social justice under one heading- one word, a much more humane word which is enshrined in our constitution also. The Issue is really the issue of fraternity of India.


Social Justice
 Coming to the issue of social equity, we see two process or two things which push on. One is recognising the factor inequity and I don’t think that it is so ugly a factor which we don’t want to look at it so, better not to look at it. At the same time, how does the social transformation take place? Social justice, to me, has to be process of social synthesis. It cannot be a process of hatred. It is process of social harmony. Well, one argument for the social harmony is to maintain the status quo. If you don’t want to disrupt the social harmony, maintain the status quo. The way, the harmony is an instrument of status quo. But, I won’t use this word social justice for social harmony. The other word which can be used is transformation. Recognising the contradiction in the inequity of the present system, how do we move to a greater harmonising equilibrium, a greater synthesis, without, in the process, sowing hatred or venom? I think, the second condition is also important because disruptive social changes can also take place. And the biggest challenge to all social reformers or to all of us, in the present system is just to recognise how it hurts a person who is born in a socially lower order. How the whole life he suffers inside? Perhaps it is, an d being one is much more honourable  than just burn within yourself  in humiliation all life.
One instance I may give you is a very tragic instance of self-immolation we saw last month. At the same time, one set of boys had come- socially and educationally backward class. They asked me: “sir, are we not the youth of this country? Are we not the students of this country? I said, “Why do you ask this question? They said: “Sir, whenever, in the papers, it comes that all the youth are in revolt-all the youth are against you- that means we are not the students of this country. In fact, that means that we are not counted”. And they said: “You have given us something, some dignity but the whole social order seems to pounce upon you as if you are giving it to some enemy, some foreigners, not to a child   this soil”. And, that is the anguish, it is not what the percentage of this or that we give. That is not the argument. We have to overcome the rung of the social order. The question arises, with such reactions: do we have one percent place in the hearts of those who run the social order? This is one very poignant feelings of those boys. And we have to take cognizance of it and then also put our heads together. I am not suggesting this solution and that solution as solution. No one can be dogmatic about these things. What is necessary is that we recognise it and put it on the national agenda. Yes, there is such a problem.
Then there was another set of boys from the Jawaharlal Nehru University of scheduled class and scheduled tribes. They came and said: “Sir, we can understand, much better than you, the abuses that are being showered on you”. I asked: “how so?” They said: “The same abuses have been showered on us for thousands of years- by the same social system. So, if you stand by us you are surely going to get the share of it. Therefore, we are going to stand by you”.

Mandal Commission Report (MCR)
Certainly, we have to concede that there is power in every section of the society. We cannot divide one power from the other. If I am from a poor family, irrespective from what section or society I am born or all that by birth, should I not get an opportunity? So, the contradiction is there. How do we synthesise it? This is the problem poser I want to put. I don’t want to confine it to one action, say, Mandal Commission. If there was no Mandal Commission report, if it was not there, even then the issue would have been there. And, if we don’t recognise the social dynamics of deep frustration, in future it may lead to violent eruption and violent remedies. In Andhra Pradesh the Naxlaites had held a big rally, of about 10 Lakhs or so, I am told, and they endorsed MCR and they said they support V.P. Singh. Not that I support Naxalism or violence. But they belong to that section of the society which has taken to arms.

(V P Singh was at Jawaharlal Nehru University, at New Delhi to deliver his lecture at JP Memorial Lecture on 5 December, 1990)

Saturday, August 4, 2012

What is Mandal Commission?


What is Mandal Commission?

1. Historical necessity for setting up Mandal Commission
Article 340 of the Indian Constitution:
It is obligatory for the government to promote the welfare of the Other Backward Classes (OBC).
Talk of implementing welfare measures to this section (OBC) has ignited resentment especially among the high castes.
This Article 340 provided the constitutional legitimacy for setting up Mandal Commission.
Article 340(1) 
The President may by order appoint a commission, consisting of such persons as he thinks, fit to investigate the conditions of socially and educationally backward classes within the territory of India and the difficulties under which they labour and to make recommendations as to the steps that should be taken by the union or any state to remove such difficulties and as to improve ‘their condition and as to the grants that should be made, and the order appointing such commission shall define the procedure to be followed by the commission.
Article 340(2)
A commission so appointed shall investigate the matters referred to them and present to the president a report setting out the facts as found by them and making such recommendations as they think proper.

2. First Backward Classes Commission
(Kaka Kalelkar Commisson)
Adhering to Article 340, the First Backward Classes Commission was set up by a presidential order on January 29, 1953 under the chairmanship of Kaka Kalelkar,
1. Determine the criteria to be adopted in considering whether any sections of the people in Its terms of references were to:
the territory of India in addition to the SC and ST as socially and educationally backward classes, using such criteria it was to prepare a list of such classes setting out also their approximate members and their territorial distribution.
2. Investigate the conditions of all such socially and educationally backward classes and the differences under which they labour and make recommendations
1. as to the steps that should be taken by the union or any state to remove such difficulties or to improve their economic condition, and
2. as to the grants that should be made for the purpose by the union or any state and the conditions subject to which such grants should be made;
3. Investigate such other matters as the president may hereafter refer to them and
4. Present to the president a report setting out the facts as found by them and making such recommendations as they think proper.
For identifying socially and educationally backward classes, the commission adopted the following criteria:
1. Low social position in the traditional caste hierarchy of Hindu society.
2. Lack of general educational advancement among the major section of a caste or
community.
3. Inadequate or no representation in government services.
4. Inadequate representation in the field of trade, commerce and industry
The commission submitted its report on March 30, ‘1955. It had prepared a list of 2,399 backward castes or communities for the entire country and of which 837 had been classified as the ‘most backward’.

 Some of the most noteworthy recommendations of the commission were:
1. Undertaking caste-wise enumeration of population in the census of 1961.
2. Relating social backwardness of a class to its low position in the traditional caste
hierarchy of Hindu society,
3. Treating all women as a class as ‘backward’;
4. Reservation of 70 per cent seats in all technical and professional institutions for qualified students of backward classes.
5. minimum reservation of vacancies in all government services and local bodies for other backward classes on the following scale: class I = 25 per cent; class II = 33½ per cent; class III and IV = 40 per cent.
Shri. Kaka Kalelkar, the Chairman, took a rather equivocal stand on the issue, though he did not record a formal minutes of dissent, in his forwarding letter to the President he opposed the important recommendations made by the commission. But this report was not accepted by the Central government on the ground that it had not applied any objective tests for identifying the Backward Class. Thus, there was a need of
second backward classes of commission.

3. Second Backward Classes Commission -
MANDAL Commission
The decision of the Janata Party Government with Mr. Morarji Desai as PM to set up a second backward classes commission was made official by the President on January 1, 1979. The commission popularly known as the Mandal Commission, its chairman being B. P. Mandal. It submitted the report in December 1980.

3.1 Members of Mandal Commission
- Shri. B. P. Mandal - Chairman
- Shri. R. R. Bhole - Member
- Shri. Dewan Mohan Lal - Member
- Shri. L. R. Naik - Member
- Shri. K. Subramaniam - Member

3.2 Terms Of Mandal Commission
1. To determine the criteria for defining the socially and educationally backward classes
2. To recommend the steps to be taken for their advancement.
3. To examine the desirability or otherwise for making any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in their favour.
4. To present a report setting out the facts found by the commission.

3.3 Methodology of Mandal Commission
The Mandal Commission adopted various methods and techniques to collect the necessary data and evidence to fulfill the above objectives.
One serious defect noticed by the Government in the report of the first backward classed commission was that it had not formulated any objective criteria for classifying the other backward classes.
In view of this, the commission has taken special care to tap a number of independent sources for the collection of primary data.
Some of the important measures taken in this connection were
1. Seminar of sociologists on social backwardness
2. Issue of three sets of questionnaires to State Government and the public
3. Extensive touring of the country by the Commission, taking evidence of legislators,
eminent public men, sociologist
4. Undertaking country wide socio-educational survey (A socio-educational field survey was organized under the panel of experts with M. N. Srinivas as chairman)
5. Preparation of reports on some important issues by specialized agencies.
6. Caste Study, village monographs and study of legal and constitutional issues, Analysis of the census data etc.
By adopting this multilateral approach the commission was able to cast its net far and wide and prepared a very firma and dependable database for report.
To identify the socially and educationally backward classes, the commission adopted 11 criteria which could be grouped under three major headings: social, educational and economic. Of these three groups, different weight-ages were given to indicators of each group.  applied to all the castes covered by the survey for a particular state.

All castes, which had a score of 50 per cent (i.e., 11 points) or above by applying the 11 criteria were listed as socially and educationally backward and the rest were treated as ‘advanced’. It should be noted that economic criteria were also included in the tests.

3.4 The 11 criteria are
The 11 criteria are as follows:
3.4.1 Social Criteria (4 * 3 = 12 points)
- Castes/classes considered as socially backward by others.
- Castes/classes which mainly depend on manual labour for their livelihood.
- Castes/classes where at least 25 per cent females and 10 per cent males above the state average get married at an age below 17 years in rural areas and at least 10 per cent females and 5 per cent males do so in urban areas.
- Castes/classes where participation of females in work is at least 2 per cent above the
state average.
3.4.2 Educational Criteria ( 2 points each, total 6 point)
- Castes/classes where the number of children in the age group of’ 5-15 years who never attended school is at least 25 per cent above the state average.
- Castes/classes where the rate of student drop-out in the age group of 5-15 years is at
least 25 per cent above the state average.
- Castes/classes amongst whom the proportion of matriculates is at least 25 per cent below the state average.
3.4.3 Economic Criteria (1 point each, total 4 point)
- Castes/classes where the average value of family assets is at least 25 per cent below the state average.
- Castes/classes where the number of families living in kuccha houses is at least 25 per
cent above the state average.
- Castes/classes where the source of drinking water is beyond half a kilometer for more
than 50 per cent of the households.
- Castes/classes where the number of households having taken consumption loans is at
least 25 per cent above the state average.

3.5 How 52%?
Figures of caste-wise population are not available beyond 1931. So the commission requested states/union territories to use 1931 census data, analyze the trends and estimate by using
statistical methods for extrapolating the current population. These are well-established scientific methods and the best possible options at that time to calculate the number of OBCs. The population of Hindu OBCs was derive by subtracting from the total population of Hindus, the population of SC and ST and that of forward Hindu castes and communities, and it worked out to be 52 per cent. Assuming that roughly the proportion of OBCs amongst non-Hindus was of the same order as amongst the Hindus, population of non-Hindu OBCs was also consider as 52 per cent of actual proportion of their population of 16.16 per cent or 8.40 per cent. The total
population of Hindu and non-Hindu OBC therefore naturally added up to nearly 52 per cent of the country’s population.

3.6 Recommendations of the Mandal Commission
1. Major recommendation of Mandal Commission
Reservation for SCs and STs is in proportion to their population i.e. 22%.
But as there is a legal obligation to keep the reservation under Articles 15(4) and 16(4) of the constitution below 50%, the commission recommends a reservation of 27% for OBCs.
Article 15(4)
Nothing in this article or in clause 2 of Article 29 (protection of minorities) shall prevent the state from making any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes.
Article 16(4)
Nothing in this ‘article shall prevent the state from making any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class citizens which, in the opinion of the state, is not adequately represented in the services under the state.
2. Other recommendations of Mandal Commission
- Candidates belonging to OBC recruited based on merit in an open competition should not be adjusted against their reservation quota of 27 per cent.
- The above reservation should also be made applicable to promotion quota at all levels.
- Reserved quota remaining unfilled should be carried forward for a period of three years and de-reserved thereafter.
- Relaxation in the upper age limit for direct recruitment should be extended to the
candidates of OBC in the same manner as done in the case of SCs and STs.
- A roster system for each category of posts should be adopted by the concerned
authorities in the same manner as presently done in respect of SC and ST candidates
.
3. These recommendations in total are applicable to all recruitment to public sector undertakings both under the central and state governments, as also to nationalized banks.
4. All private sector undertakings which have received financial assistance from the government in one form or other should also be obliged to recruit personnel on the aforesaid basis.
5. All universities and affiliated colleges should also be covered by the above scheme of reservation.
6. To implement the above recommendations, the government should create the rules and regulations in the law
Educational Facilities:
Special educational facilities designed at upgrading the cultural environment of the students should be created in a phased manner on selected areas containing high concentration of OBCs. students to enable them to catch up with students from open quota.
To promote literacy the following measures were suggested:
7. An intensive time-bound programmed for adult education should be launched in selected pockets with high concentration of OBC population

8. Residential schools should be set up in these areas for backward class students to provide a climate especially conducive to serious studies.
9. Government should implement Adult education and Residential School seriously throughout India.
10. It was recommended that seats should be reserved for OBC students in all scientific, technical and professional institutions run by the central as well as state governments.
Financial Facility:
11. It also suggested that a part of surplus land as a result of the operation of ceiling laws should be allotted not only to SC and ST but also to OBC landless laborers.
12. Members of village vocational communities who want to set up small-scale industries on their own should be given suitable institutional finance and technical assistance. In addition, similar assistance should be extended to those promising OSC candidates who have undergone special vocational training.

In this regard, separate financial institutions should also be established.
13. It was also considered imperative that all state governments should create a separate network of
financial and technical institutions to foster business and industrial enterprise among OBC as a part of its overall strategy to uplift them.
14. To implement all these recommendations, Central and state governments should form separate ministry.
The commission suggested that the entire operations of its recommendations should be
implemented for 20 years.On 30th April 1981, Mandal Commission was submitted to both the houses of parliament but former prime minister Indira Gandhi and after that Rajiv Gandhi cleverly ignored it.On 7th August 1990, Mr.V.P.Singh issued an order in 1990, as Prime Minister, to implement a part of the recommendations of the Mandal Report. 27% of the jobs were reserved for the OBCs who constitute about 52% of the total population. Article 16(4) of the Constitution makes provision for job reservation and Article 15(4) for reservation in educational institutions. But this latter part of the recommendations was not implemented. Even in the case of jobs, reservations were denied in certain "specialized" spheres. Again, this order that sought to implement the recommendations in a truncated form was fiercely opposed.The opponents succeeded in obtaining the stay of the operation of the order by filing a writ in the Supreme Court.In the elections that followed, Mr. P.V.Narasimha Rao came to power.
He realized that his Congress Government could no more ignore the popular upheaval in favour of Social Justice. The Supreme Court gave its verdict in favour of the implementation of 1990 order of the Union Government, providing reservation in jobs. So from 1992, a part of the recommendations of the Commission is being implemented.
(courtesy-http://obcreservation.net/ver2/reservation-mainmenu-9/mandal-mainmenu-102/what-is-mandal--mainmenu-90.html)